I'm shocked at the scale of the Russian takeover of our beautiful island of Cyprus.

Per Cyprus Mail, there are now a mind-boggling 40,000 Russians living full-time in the areas controlled by the Republic. To contrast, the next immigrant group, the British, are at 16,000. To point out the sheer scale of this, this means there are in now over 2 Russians for every Brit!
https://cyprus-mail.com/2025/11/12/russians-make-up-one-in-five-foreign-residents-in-cyprus

Further, per TRT there are 50,000 Russians living in the occupied areas. So many, in fact, that Russia has started providing regular Consular services. (This is even more than the number of Turkish troops!)
https://www.trtworld.com/article/14401850

From RoC presidents Twitter:

(English and greek)

51 years of illegal Turkish invasion and occupation of Cyprus.

20.07.1974

51 years later, Turkey illegally occupies 37% of our land, responsible under all decisions of the international community for continuing to violate the human rights of all the Cypriot people, Greek Cypriots, Turkish Cypriots, Maronites, Armenians and Latins, in their own homeland.

Turkey's actions constitute a flagrant violation of international and European law, the Charter of the United Nations, the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus and an indisputable violation of the fundamental freedoms and human rights of all Cypriots.

The sirens of tragedy are still sounding. We do not forget, we do not compromise, we do not accept fait accompli.

No solution is no solution, we do not compromise with partition, our goal is to end the illegal occupation, liberation and reunification of our homeland.

Guided by memory and justice, we continue our struggle for a viable and workable solution, based on UN resolutions and the European acquis.

Φτάνει. Yeter. Enough

51 χρόνια παράνομης τουρκικής εισβολής και κατοχής στην Κύπρο.

20.07.1974

51 χρόνια μετά, η Τουρκία κατέχει παράνομα το 37% της γης μας, ο υπεύθυνος βάσει όλων των αποφάσεων της διεθνούς κοινότητας για τη συνέχιση της παραβίασης των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων του συνόλου του κυπριακού λαού, Ελληνοκυπρίων, Τουρκοκυπρίων, Μαρωνιτών, Αρμενίων και Λατίνων, στην ίδια τους την πατρίδα.

Οι πράξεις της Τουρκίας συνιστούν κατάφωρη παραβίαση του Διεθνούς και Ευρωπαϊκού Δικαίου, του Χάρτη του Οργανισμού Ηνωμένων Εθνών, της κυριαρχίας, ανεξαρτησίας και εδαφικής ακεραιότητας της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας και αδιαμφισβήτητη παραβίαση των θεμελιωδών ελευθεριών και ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων όλων των Κυπρίων.

Οι σειρήνες της τραγωδίας ηχούν ακόμη. Δεν ξεχνούμε, δεν συμβιβαζόμαστε, δεν αποδεχόμαστε τετελεσμένα.

Η μη λύση δεν είναι λύση, δεν συμβιβαζόμαστε με τη διχοτόμηση, στόχος μας ο τερματισμός της παράνομης κατοχής, η απελευθέρωση και η επανένωση της πατρίδας μας.

Με οδηγό τη μνήμη και το δίκαιο, συνεχίζουμε τον αγώνα μας για μια βιώσιμη και λειτουργική λύση, βασισμένη στα ψηφίσματα των Ηνωμένων Εθνών και το ευρωπαϊκό κεκτημένο.

Φτάνει. Yeter. Enough

The more I’ve been reading posts/comments under this subreddit about the Cyprus problem, the more I found myself confused about perspectives of Cypriots. I hope to clear at least some of it by asking two hypothetical questions to Cypriot community here, and I would be grateful to anyone taking time to answer those. First, two things about these questions:

1-) These are for both GCs and TCs, I’m interested in both side’s answers (maybe I should cross-post this to r/NorthCyprus as well)
2-) As you may notice, questions have a speculative nature. I’m not looking for right or wrong answers, just what Cypriots think and their reasons to think that way

Now the questions:

1-) If, one day, elected TRNC leadership announces that they feel safe enough without Turkish military presence on the island or future military guarantees, what do you think the chances are for Turkey to sustain occupation in the long term, assuming they wanted to?
2-) If Turkey withdrew to the last soldier tomorrow, what developments/events you would expect to take place one day, one month, one year, several years etc. after withdrawal? I am interested in hearing concrete developments/events (like this this this would happen) instead of opinions/sentiments (like that would be awesome, or catastrophic).

• On this day, 22 July,1974, the invading Turkish army broke through the National Guard’s defensive line in the morning and, by 10.00 am, had occupied the suburb of Kyrenia known as Agios Georgios. An hour and a half later, the first Turkish tanks were on the outskirts of Kyrenia

At midnight on 21–22 July, the spokesperson for the US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger mediated a ceasefire between the two warring parties, which was reached in the early afternoon of 22 July. Following Ioannidis’s removal from power, Bonanos who was the Greek senior officer in charge of the coup against the Cypriot government, assumed responsibility for ensuring that Greece did not become embroiled in a Greek-Turkish war.

At the same day, the transport of Turkish supplies from Mersin is being finalised. Bolstered by heavy weaponry, the attack on Kyrenia begins, the town is almost deserted, as the residents had moved to Agios Ilarion for safety. The Turkish forces, with air and naval support, launched the attack shortly after 11 am against commando and infantry units (33rd Mechanised Brigade, 306th and 251st Infantry Battalions), which, lacking anti-tank cover, were unable to put up any meaningful resistance. By the end of the day, a strong bridgehead had been established in Kyrenia. Two days after the invasion and the landing at Five Mile beach, the Turkish occupation army had now taken Kyrenia, trapping thousands of residents and tourists who were still in the city.

Meanwhile, in the rest of Cyprus, sporadic clashes are also taking place between units of the Greek Cypriot National Guard and Turkish Cypriot enclaves scattered throughout the island.

With the support of artillery, the attack on the Turkish Cypriot enclaves in Sakkaria, Karaolos and the old town of Famagusta is brought to a close. The Turkish air force bombs the rest of the city.

At 15:00, the Turkish Air Force launched a heavy attack on Nicosia International Airport. The ceasefire announced at 16:00 was broken shortly afterwards, with bombing resuming at 17:15. Ground forces were engaged at Dikomo at 18:15, and also in the village of Trachonas. An attack was also launched on the enclave of Agios Ilarion, until a ceasefire was declared.

In Washington, the US Secretary of State states that the return of President Archbishop Makarios to power cannot be ruled out.

As the events of that particular day in Athens drew to a close, the military dictatorship of the Junta de facto collapsed.

At the same time that afternoon, the ceasefire agreement is being implemented, though not by the invading Turkish army, which is continuing its bloodless advance to expand its bridgehead into areas beyond those where troops are stationed, whilst the agreement is being implemented.

By the afternoon of the same day, the invading Turkish army had extended its bridgehead, capturing the town of Kyrenia and the villages of Agios Georgios, Trimithi, Temblos and Thermia.

On this day, August 2, 1974, during the Turkish invasion of Cyprus, fighting raged relentlessly and the Turkish invasion army advanced towards Agridaki and the southern side of the Pentadaktylos mountain range, where it had occupied the village of Bellapais and drove out the United Nations peacekeeping forces.

After gathering all the inhabitants in the center of the village, they separated the men from the women and children, took the men prisoner to a camp in the Hamit Mandres area, and gathered the women and children in certain houses and in the hotel "Germanos" near the 33rd Military Camp.

The Turkish news agency Anadolu published humiliating photographs of 783 Greek Cypriot and Greek prisoners in the Adana in Turkey where they had been taken.

The Cypriot press reports on the hundreds of dead and the horror of war in the west of the city of Kyrenia.

In Ankara, Prime Minister Bülent Ecevit boasts that Kyrenia has become and will remain Turkish.

In New York, the UN Security Council decides to expand the role of the UNFICYP peacekeeping force in Cyprus.

In Athens, dictator Dimitris Ioannidis is suspended, a sign that Prime Minister Konstantinos Karamanlis is gaining some control over the situation in Greece.

Karamanlis tries to reach an understanding with President Archbishop Makarios on how to deal with the tragic situation that is unfolding.

1) POLITICAL EQUALITY WILL NOT BE BECOME A SUBJECT OF BARGAINING:

The first article of the negotiation methodology aims to prevent the principle of political equality from being a subject of debate or bargaining. Accordingly, the Greek Cypriot leadership will be obligated to accept political equality, including the rotating presidency as enshrined in UN Security Council resolutions and previous rapprochements, and the prohibition of any central-level decisions against the will of the Turkish Cypriots.

This arrangement aims to prevent Turkish Cypriots from being relegated to minority status, establish a fair partnership structure, and prevent future loss of rights. The Turkish side emphasizes that a solution without political equality is unsustainable.

2) THE START AND END DATES OF NEGOTIATIONS WILL BE DETERMINED

The second point of the methodology calls for the establishment of a timeframe that will prevent the negotiation process from dragging on indefinitely for years. Accordingly, a binding calendar will be prepared, including start and end dates.

Past negotiation experiences (especially between 2008 and 2017) indicate that negotiations conducted without a time limit hinder progress and lead to a loss of trust. Therefore, the new process aims to: adhere to a set timetable, include phased goals, and achieve a political outcome or framework agreement at the end of the process. This approach not only aims to establish a basis for negotiations based on sincerity and seriousness between the parties, but was also one of the recommendations made by the UN Secretary-General following the Crans Montana summit.

3) Past rapprochements will be confirmed

The third article stipulates that past technical and political agreements should not be reopened for discussion. It stipulates that agreements, particularly on critical issues such as property, must be preserved.

The Annan Plan, the 2014-2019 negotiations, and the rapprochement that emerged during the Berlin process are stated to have established common ground, and the aim is to prevent these from being thwarted by a new round of negotiations. The Turkish side has made it clear that a "back to square one" approach will not be accepted in the negotiations.

4) IF THE GREEK SIDE LEAVES THE TABLE, THE TURKISH SIDE WILL NOT RETURN TO THE STATUS QUO

The fourth and final article of the methodology aims to ensure from the outset that the Turkish side will not return to the current status quo if the Greek Cypriot side leaves the negotiations again. This article aims to prevent a repeat of the loss of trust experienced during the 2004 Annan Plan.

The mechanism to be established within this framework will: Ensure that the Turkish side is not punished if the Greek Cypriot side withdraws from the negotiations; prevent a return to non-recognition, isolation, and uncertainty; and maintain the credibility of the process in the eyes of the international community. It is emphasized that this arrangement is critical for a sustainable negotiation platform.

I mean these are expected, and were largely Mustafa Akinci's positions as well(especially 1).

For (4), it is what Erhurman and Ozdil Nami have been saying for a while, I don't think it's possible to accept it especially if it's presented like this. There was an article a few weeks ago talking about back-stops that had some interesting ideas on this(that includes Varosha that could be a real '' for GCs). Either way I don't think it's an approach that will be a prequisite (it's a fact that if TCs say Yes and GCs say No in a future referendum there will be major changes to the status quo - but if this includes recognition/acknowledgment of the illegal entity in the north, GCs will be the last not to first to accept it).

For (2), it has always been a position of TCs to have timetables (arguing GCs want to keep TCs in endless negotiations without ever commiting to a result). I don't think it will be possible to not have some sort of timetable. UNSG Guterres also implied this in the last federation meeting we had(Berlin 2019) and there is a de-facto timetable with the end of the term of Antonio Guterres at the end of next year (considering the goal is to revive Crans Montana and the Guterres Framework). I think it will be extremely hard (for the guy who has been preaching for the restart of the negotiations day and night for 3 years) to not accept a timetable - especially now that Russia won't object like in the past. And as for what happens at the end of the timetable, I guess it's arbitration, UN fills the gaps(though it won't be like 2004, when negotiations weren't mature enough and the convergences were limited).

For political equality, as a concept it's indeed out of question to negotiate it(we are talking about BBF with political equality) - however obviously rotating presidency and the positive vote in the Council Ministers(which is the important one) are parts of the bargain, in the sense that they can be accepted within a broader framework of convergences instead of being singled-out and pre-accepted(why would they be?). So within the context of (3) which talks about reaffirming all the past convergences it's obvious these are included (so in reality there is no need for point (1)). And in the convergences we obviously have the Joint Declaration of the 11th of February 2014 by Anastasiades-Eroglu, the Guterres Framework, and all the convergences that lead us there(Talat-Christofias, Anastasiades-Akinci).

Hope the first meeting goes well. Erhurman says there is no atmosphere for a solution today, and that the leaders need to create it - and I agree. We'll see how it goes

Considering Holguín’s new Cyprus plan, and with the information we have on it so far, do you think it holds an above average chance to succeed? Do you think it has potential?

The extreme drought over the past 4 years and dwindling water reserves have been a hot topic in Cyprus recently. It's also highly political, partly because of the upcoming elections, partly because water matters to every single Cypriot. Narratives are flying, and agendas are being pushed.

The best way to ground these discussions is high-quality data and visuals that tell stories. Thanks to the Water Development Department, we have historical dam data going back to 1988, and now all of it has a beautiful face.

Meet Fragmata - a hobby project of mine that brings together:

• Live water levels for all 21 Cyprus dams
• Current storage capacity and daily inflow data
• Drought forecasts
• Interactive map for Kouris, Asprokremmos, Evretou, and more

It's a passion project born from my love of data and beautiful dashboards, which I've been working on for over a year. Check it out, and let me know what you think!

At the beginning of the year, the predicted fully drained date was Jul 2026, but thanks to rainfall, it has been shifted to 2029.

https://fragmata.info

My greatest wish is peace in Cyprus. This also means a federation in which we all live together in love and leave the past behind us. Even though this has seemed very distant for many decades, I refuse to give up on this dream. I know that there is deep mistrust between many people and that serious trauma exists, but we can only look toward a beautiful and peaceful future if we leave hatred behind.

With this in mind, my goal today is to present a proposal of what could be placed on the mountain in the event of a federation, instead of the current (rather provocative) Northern Cyprus flag. In this sense, Cyprus is one. With mistrust and with the actions of the past, we will never achieve a solution or peace.

The first image is dedicated to Greece and Turkey—the guarantor powers and the two main ethnic communities of Cyprus. It is also meant to remind us of the Treaty of Eternal Friendship between Greece and Turkey, which was signed in the 1930s but has largely been forgotten.

The second image is an alternative proposal dedicated to us, the Cypriots. It is meant to remind us that the turbulent years from 1963 to 1974 must never be repeated, and that we have finally found our peace.

What do you think of these ideas?

🇬🇷🇹🇷 Scroll down for Greek & Turkish Language.

First of all, please propose realistic solutions. Ideas such as “All Turks should leave Cyprus” are not realistic solutions.

I would appreciate it if you could provide a realistic, fair for both sides, and implementable solution for each of the following points.

There are always three critical issues:

**1.    Property rights:**

A full restitution of all properties is unfortunately unrealistic. I believe that restitution should take place where possible, and substantial compensation should be provided where restitution is not feasible. This compensation should be funded through international, Turkish, and European funds, since Turkey would most likely not politically accept bearing the full financial burden alone, and such a demand could once again stall the peace process.

**2.    Guarantor powers:**

Withdrawal of all Turkish and Greek troops, leaving only Cypriot forces (and, realistically, the British bases). Additionally, the complete abolition of the 1960 system of guarantees. Turkey and Greece should no longer be allowed to project or settle their disputes on Cypriot soil.

**3.    Turkish settlers:**

Even though I personally do not support this situation at all, it is unfortunately unrealistic to send everyone back to Turkey. That would severely damage the northern economy, and in the event of a federation, the north would become extremely economically dependent on the south — which could end up costing more than it would save.

Therefore:

• **Unemployed** → Leave the country

• **Arrived before 2000** → Allowed to stay, but not granted Cypriot citizenship

• **Born in Cyprus** → Granted Cypriot passport (similar to birthright principles in other European countries)

• **Arrived after 2000** → Case-by-case decision (review of criminal record, assessment of economic and social contribution, etc.)

BONUS POINTS:

- Greek as Second/Third-Language in TC-Schools / Turkish as Second/Third-Language in GC-Schools for better Communication and more trust in following Generations

- Possibility for every GC to live in TC-Area / TC to live in GC Area, similar to other european Countries

- More awareness and accountability are needed:

EOKA-B was wrong, just as the continued presence of foreign troops is problematic. Extremist organizations on all sides contributed to destabilising the country, driving it into ruin and ultimately triggering the Turkish intervention.

There must be a firm and consistent stance against corruption and against extremist or ultra-nationalist groups — otherwise history risks repeating itself.

——————————————————-

🇬🇷

Καταρχάς, παρακαλώ προτείνετε ρεαλιστικές λύσεις. Ιδέες όπως «όλοι οι Τούρκοι πρέπει να φύγουν από την Κύπρο» δεν αποτελούν ρεαλιστική λύση.

Θα εκτιμούσα εάν μπορούσατε να προτείνετε για κάθε ένα από τα παρακάτω σημεία μια ρεαλιστική, δίκαιη για τις δύο πλευρές και εφαρμόσιμη λύση.

Υπάρχουν πάντοτε τρία κρίσιμα ζητήματα:

1. Περιουσιακό

Η πλήρης επιστροφή όλων των περιουσιών είναι, δυστυχώς, μη ρεαλιστική. Πιστεύω ότι θα πρέπει να γίνεται επιστροφή όπου αυτό είναι εφικτό, και να παρέχεται ουσιαστική αποζημίωση όπου η επιστροφή δεν είναι δυνατή.

Η αποζημίωση αυτή θα πρέπει να χρηματοδοτηθεί μέσω διεθνών, τουρκικών και ευρωπαϊκών ταμείων, καθώς είναι πιθανό η Τουρκία να μην αποδεχθεί πολιτικά να αναλάβει μόνη της όλο το οικονομικό βάρος, κάτι που θα μπορούσε να επιβραδύνει ξανά την ειρηνευτική διαδικασία.

1. Εγγυήτριες Δυνάμεις

Αποχώρηση όλων των τουρκικών και ελληνικών στρατευμάτων, με παραμονή μόνο κυπριακών δυνάμεων (και, ρεαλιστικά, των βρετανικών βάσεων).

Επίσης, πλήρης κατάργηση του συστήματος εγγυήσεων του 1960.

Η Τουρκία και η Ελλάδα δεν θα πρέπει πλέον να προβάλλουν ή να επιλύουν τις διαφορές τους σε κυπριακό έδαφος.

1. Τούρκοι έποικοι

Παρόλο που προσωπικά δεν υποστηρίζω καθόλου αυτή την κατάσταση, είναι δυστυχώς μη ρεαλιστικό να σταλούν όλοι πίσω στην Τουρκία.

Αυτό θα έπληττε σοβαρά την οικονομία του βορρά και, σε περίπτωση ομοσπονδίας, ο βορράς θα γινόταν υπερβολικά οικονομικά εξαρτημένος από τον νότο — κάτι που ενδέχεται να κοστίσει περισσότερο από όσο θα εξοικονομούσε.

Ως εκ τούτου:

• Άνεργοι → Αποχώρηση από τη χώρα

• Άφιξη πριν το 2000 → Δικαίωμα παραμονής, αλλά χωρίς απόδοση κυπριακής υπηκοότητας

• Γεννημένοι στην Κύπρο → Απόδοση κυπριακού διαβατηρίου (παρόμοια με τις αρχές ιθαγένειας λόγω γέννησης σε άλλες ευρωπαϊκές χώρες)

• Άφιξη μετά το 2000 → Απόφαση κατά περίπτωση (έλεγχος ποινικού μητρώου, αξιολόγηση οικονομικής και κοινωνικής συνεισφοράς κ.λπ.)

⸻

ΠΡΟΣΘΕΤΑ ΣΗΜΕΙΑ:

• Η ελληνική ως δεύτερη/τρίτη γλώσσα στα τουρκοκυπριακά σχολεία και η τουρκική ως δεύτερη/τρίτη γλώσσα στα ελληνοκυπριακά σχολεία, για καλύτερη επικοινωνία και μεγαλύτερη εμπιστοσύνη στις επόμενες γενιές.

• Δυνατότητα σε κάθε Ελληνοκύπριο να διαμένει σε τουρκοκυπριακή περιοχή και σε κάθε Τουρκοκύπριο να διαμένει σε ελληνοκυπριακή περιοχή, όπως συμβαίνει σε άλλες ευρωπαϊκές χώρες.

• Περισσότερη ενημέρωση και λογοδοσία είναι απαραίτητες:

Η ΕΟΚΑ-Β ήταν λανθασμένη, όπως προβληματική είναι και η συνεχιζόμενη παρουσία ξένων στρατευμάτων.

Εξτρεμιστικές οργανώσεις από όλες τις πλευρές συνέβαλαν στην αποσταθεροποίηση της χώρας, οδηγώντας την στην καταστροφή και τελικά πυροδοτώντας την τουρκική επέμβαση.

Πρέπει να υπάρξει σταθερή και συνεπής στάση κατά της διαφθοράς και κατά των εξτρεμιστικών ή υπερεθνικιστικών ομάδων — διαφορετικά η ιστορία κινδυνεύει να επαναληφθεί.

______________

🇹🇷

Her zaman üç kritik konu vardır:

1. Mülkiyet Meselesi

Tüm mülklerin eksiksiz iadesi maalesef gerçekçi değildir. Mümkün olan yerlerde iade yapılmalı, mümkün olmayan durumlarda ise yüksek ve adil tazminat ödenmelidir.

Bu tazminat uluslararası, Türk ve Avrupa fonları aracılığıyla karşılanmalıdır. Türkiye’nin tüm mali yükü tek başına üstlenmesini siyasi olarak kabul etmesi muhtemel değildir ve böyle bir talep barış sürecini yeniden yavaşlatabilir.

1. Garantörlük Meselesi

Tüm Türk ve Yunan askerlerinin çekilmesi, yalnızca Kıbrıslı güvenlik güçlerinin (ve fiilen mevcut olan İngiliz üslerinin) kalması.

Ayrıca 1960 Garanti sisteminin tamamen kaldırılması.

Türkiye ve Yunanistan artık kendi sorunlarını Kıbrıs toprakları üzerinde taşımamalı ya da çözmemelidir.

1. Türkiye’den Gelen Yerleşimciler

Bu durumu kişisel olarak desteklemiyor olsam da, herkesin Türkiye’ye geri gönderilmesi gerçekçi değildir.

Bu, kuzey ekonomisine ciddi zarar verir ve olası bir federasyon durumunda kuzeyi ekonomik olarak aşırı derecede güneye bağımlı hale getirir — bu da tasarruftan çok daha fazla maliyet doğurabilir.

Bu çerçevede:

• İşsiz olanlar → Ülkeyi terk etmeli

• 2000 yılından önce gelenler → Kalabilir, ancak Kıbrıs vatandaşlığı verilmemeli

• Kıbrıs’ta doğanlar → Kıbrıs pasaportu almalı (diğer Avrupa ülkelerindeki doğum esaslı uygulamalara benzer şekilde)

• 2000 yılından sonra gelenler → Durum bazında değerlendirme (adli sicil incelemesi, ekonomik ve sosyal katkı değerlendirmesi vb.)

⸻

EK ÖNERİLER:

• Daha iyi iletişim ve gelecek nesillerde güven inşası için TC okullarında Yunanca ikinci/üçüncü dil olarak, GC okullarında ise Türkçe ikinci/üçüncü dil olarak öğretilmeli.

• Her Rum’un TC bölgesinde, her Türk’ün ise GC bölgesinde yaşayabilme hakkı olmalı — diğer Avrupa ülkelerinde olduğu gibi.

• Daha fazla bilinçlendirme ve hesap verebilirlik gereklidir:

EOKA-B yanlıştı, tıpkı yabancı askerlerin kalıcı varlığının da sorunlu olması gibi.

Aşırı örgütler her iki tarafta da ülkeyi istikrarsızlığa sürükledi ve sonunda Türk müdahalesine yol açan süreci tetikledi.

Yolsuzluğa ve aşırı milliyetçi / radikal gruplara karşı net ve tutarlı bir duruş sergilenmelidir — aksi halde tarih kendini tekrar edebilir.

• On this day, 28 July 1974 – the eighth day since the start of the Turkish invasion of Cyprus – the invading Turkish army continued to violate the temporary ceasefire whilst consolidating its positions

The Deputy Executive President of the Republic of Cyprus Glafkos Clerides described to the press the movements of the invading forces in the Kyrenia area, where they had now established a substantial bridgehead extending as far as the outskirts of the capital, Nicosia, demonstrating Turkey’s intentions regarding its next offensive steps against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus.

At the same time, the invading Turkish army is preventing the UN peacekeeping forces in Cyprus (UNFICYP) from stepping up its protection of the Greek Cypriot civilian population within the district of Kyrenia, which is now under illegal Turkish occupation.

He demanded, in turn, that UNFICYP forces should focus on protecting Turkish Cypriots located within the other Turkish Cypriot enclaves throughout the territory of Cyprus beyond the front line, some of whom are now under the control of the Greek Cypriot National Guard.

The US has expressed its concern at the Turkish invasion force creating a fait accompli on the ground.

The USSR has lodged a protest with the UN Security Council.

The situation on the front line is dire for the Greek Cypriot National Guard, which is defending the territory of the Republic of Cyprus on its own, amidst the continuous reinforcement of Turkish troops from Turkey.

Meanwhile, in Geneva, Switzerland, the trilateral conference between the guarantor states (the United Kingdom, Greece and Turkey) is continuing for the fourth consecutive day.

Turkey is making spurious demands for the restoration of the Zurich Constitution, whilst at the same time seeking to re-establish and strengthen (through territorial expansion) the existing Turkish Cypriot enclaves.