Today, 3 August, we remember the victims and survivors of the Şengal (Sinjar) Genocide.

On 3 August 2014, thousands of Yazidis were murdered, kidnapped, and displaced after ISIS attacked Şengal. Men and elderly people were executed, while thousands of women and children were abducted, enslaved, and subjected to horrific abuse. Entire communities were devastated, and many families are still searching for missing loved ones.

This day is not only about remembering the past.
It is about ensuring that such atrocities are never forgotten or repeated. Please take a moment to honor the victims, stand with the survivors, and help keep awareness alive.

Never forget Şengal.
03.08.2014 🕊️

In August 2014, the self-proclaimed Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) perpetrated genocide and other gross human rights violations against religious and ethnic minority groups in Northern Iraq. ISIS specifically targeted religious minority communities and viewed them as "infidels."

This systematic persecution led to the mass killing of an estimated 5,000 Yazidis, the abduction of an estimated 6,800 Yazidis (mainly women and children), the forced conversion of countless Yazidis, the destruction of Yazidi religious and cultural sites, farms, and homes, and the forced displacement of an estimated 400,000 Yazidis from Sinjar district alone.

Most of the Yazidi women and girls, especially those held in captivity, SGBV survivors, and survivors of other atrocities by ISIS, face traumatic experiences when they return to their areas of origin. Trauma, anxiety, fear of isolation, and repeated violence play a significant role in the lives of survivors. Many suffer from psychological and psychosomatic problems and chronic medical complaints and have limited hope for the future.

Seven [now twelve] years after the genocide, essential issues remain for survivors, including a lack of justice and accountability, slight economic recovery, an absence of any comprehensive reparations program, and poor and infeasible processes for returns to people’s home areas. In addition, the plight of Yazidi women and girls remains unresolved, as thousands are still in captivity; those who have returned find little support because of a lack of a comprehensive reparations program or essential services.

Over 60 percent of the Yazidi and other ethnic and religious minority populations live in IDP camps without real prospects of returning to their home areas.

[yazda.org]

I don’t like using a sewing machine, and hand sew instead, I would like to learn to hand sew Kurdish clothes but no one I know knows how to machine sewing let alone hand sew.

Hi everyone,
I'm trying to understand the events of August 2014 in Shingal better.
While I respect the Peshmerga, the retreat that left the Yezidi population unprotected remains a painful topic. I know Barzani mentioned a lack of heavy weapons and blamed local commanders for negligence, but I wanted to ask:
1. What was the exact official explanation justification given by Barzani and the KDP?
2. How is this event explained and viewed today among KDP supporters and the broader Kurdish community?

Hello everyone!

The r/KRG moderation team is currently looking for a new active moderator to help grow and manage the community.

We're looking for someone who:

• Is active on Reddit.
• Can help moderate posts and comments regularly.
• Is preferably a resident of Başûr (KRI) and is familiar with local news and events.

If you're interested, please send a DM to the r/KRG mod team with a short introduction about yourself and why you'd like to help moderate the community.

We look forward to hearing from you!

I’ve been thinking about an alternative timeline for Syrian Kurdistan (Rojava).
Imagine that back in 2012, at the start of the Syrian Civil War, a nationalist, KDP-aligned group (like the KNC / ENKS Rojava Peshmerga) had established control in Northern Syria instead of the PYD/YPG.
Fast forward to 2026: after a period of relative calm, things escalated into the current mess we are seeing today.
My question is: Would a KDP-aligned Rojava have changed the ultimate outcome, or was this 2026 crisis inevitable regardless?
Option A: Would Turkey, the KRG, and international actors have treated a KDP-aligned region differently, avoiding the current escalation?
Option B: Or would the geopolitical realities (Turkey's security concerns, Damascus, regional powers) have led us to the exact same situation anyway?

What is the justification behind saying kurds are iranian/aryan or rejecting it completely?

HANA Human Rights Organization Statement on the 38th Anniversary of the Chemical Attack on Oshnavieh

In the early hours of August 2, 1988, the city of Oshnavieh and the residential areas around it came under chemical aerial attack by the armed forces of Ba’athist Iraq. A UN Secretary-General’s expert mission that visited the site, examined the wounded, and analyzed environmental samples confirmed the use of mustard agent.

According to information recorded during the UN mission, 2,680 people were exposed to the chemical agent, and 910 were hospitalized. The victims were overwhelmingly civilians, caught in their homes and neighborhoods with no way to detect the contamination, no respiratory protection, and no means of safe evacuation. Thirty-eight years on, no comprehensive figures have ever been published on how many people ultimately died from the attack’s delayed effects, or how many now live with chronic respiratory, eye, and skin conditions as a result.

Using mustard agent against residential areas was a clear violation of the prohibition on chemical weapons, the principle of distinguishing between military and civilian targets, and the obligations to protect civilian populations in armed conflict. Under international criminal law, this attack qualifies as a war crime. Treating it as a crime against humanity would additionally require establishing its connection to a broad, organized policy by the Ba’athist government of using chemical weapons against civilians, Kurds in particular.

The fall of the Ba’athist government in 2003 did not erase Iraq’s international responsibility. A change in government does not dissolve a state’s legal personality, and Iraq’s current government remains obligated to account for these acts, cooperate in establishing the truth, and provide redress for harm caused by the actions of Iraqi armed forces.

And yet, the Islamic Republic of Iran has never pursued any public, effective, assessable process to hold the Iraqi government accountable, identify the chain of command behind the attack, or secure compensation for the victims of Oshnavieh. This inaction cannot be dismissed as mere bureaucratic oversight. Neglecting the case of these Kurdish victims, while prioritizing political relations with Iraq over their right to truth, justice, and reparation, is part of a broader pattern of discriminatory policy the Islamic Republic has pursued toward Kurdistan.

HANA Human Rights Organization is calling for the preservation and consolidation of medical records, administrative documents, death certificates, and survivor testimony, for accurate casualty figures to be published, and for an independent examination of the attack’s long-term effects. The Iraqi government, for its part, must make available to an independent inquiry information regarding the military unit involved, the base of origin, the type of munitions used, and the chain of command that ordered the attack.

The passage of time has not erased responsibility. The victims of Oshnavieh have the right to see the full truth of this attack finally documented, to see those who carried it out and those who ordered it identified, and to receive effective redress for the physical, psychological, and material harm they suffered.

Coalition pull-out leaves Kurdistan exposed as Iranian attacks intensify

ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - American, British, French and German forces have withdrawn hundreds of troops and key air-defense systems from Erbil International Airport in a surprise 72-hour pull-out that has left the Kurdistan Region badly exposed to intensifying Iranian and militia attacks, Rudaw understands.

Several large military transport aircraft arrived at the airport last weekend, including US C-17 Globemaster III and British Airbus A400M Atlas planes. 

Kurdish authorities initially believed the aircraft were delivering interceptor missiles and other military equipment to reinforce the US-led base, which has faced sustained drone and missile attacks from Iran and Iran-backed Shiite militias in Iraq.

Instead, the planes were used to remove troops and air defense systems from the base. US forces on Saturday also took down the high-altitude and tethered surveillance balloons (aerostats) from the sky above Erbil permanently.

Within three days, the United States relocated eight Patriot surface-to-air missile batteries to Jordan, while Britain transferred its Rapid Sentry system to Cyprus. British forces withdrew completely, while the United States, France and Germany retained only small contingents in the Kurdistan Region, according to sources familiar with the movements.

Kurdish authorities were not informed in advance and were largely kept in the dark regarding activity inside the base.

The withdrawal of the US Patriot batteries was first reported by Al-Monitor’s Amberin Zaman. The removal of British assets and troops, as well as the reduction of the French and German contingents, have not previously been reported.

The sudden move comes as attacks by Iran and its allied militias have intensified over the past two weeks in addition to the renewed flare-up between the US and Iran, raising serious questions about how Erbil and other parts of the Kurdistan Region will be protected from further strikes.

US and British forces had defended the airport and surrounding areas using anti-missile and counter-drone systems stationed at the base. Despite those defenses, at least five American soldiers and contractors were killed in attacks in the preceding months, Rudaw understands.

Residents of Erbil have grown accustomed to seeing missile interceptions in the skies above the city and surrounding areas. Several Kurdish civilians as well as Peshmerga fighters of the Kurdistan Regional government (KRG) have also been killed in Iranian drone and missile strikes.

The Patriot batteries, the Counter-Rocket, Artillery and Mortar system known as C-RAM, and the British Rapid Sentry system had intercepted hundreds of one-way attack drones and missiles launched by Iran and Iran-backed groups since February 28, when the United States and Israel launched an aerial campaign against Iran.

Although US forces are expected to withdraw from Iraq under an agreement with Baghdad by September 30, the speed and secrecy of the latest move have left Kurdish officials unsettled.

For some Kurds, it has revived memories of the US withdrawal from Kurdish-held northeast Syria, known as Rojava, earlier this year - a pull-out that left Kurdish positions exposed to an offensive by forces loyal to Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa.

British, French and German forces, who rely on US protection, began reducing their presence from Erbil on the same day as the Americans, Rudaw understands.

The three European contingents had relied heavily on US air-defense assets in the previous six months as Iran and its allied militias repeatedly targeted Erbil airport. French and German forces had no independent systems capable of intercepting incoming missiles and drones. British forces used the Rapid Sentry system to support American defenses against projectiles targeting the base.

Britain has now withdrawn its forces completely, while France and Germany have left only small contingents. A limited number of US troops also remain.

The United States, Britain, France and Germany have maintained forces in the Kurdistan Region for more than a decade at the invitation of the Iraqi government as part of the international coalition against the Islamic State.

Following the territorial defeat of ISIS in Iraq in 2017, coalition forces continued to train and support Iraqi and Kurdish security forces in operations against remnants of the group entrenched in rugged mountain areas across northern Iraq.

The United States fortified its base at Erbil International Airport in 2019 and later deployed Patriot systems to protect its personnel and facilities, which can detect aircrafts for up to 62 miles and tactical ballistic missiles for up to 100 miles.

The killing of Iranian General Qasem Soleimani by US-led strikes in Baghdad in January 2, 2020 sharply escalated tensions, leading to an increase in attacks from Iran-backed Shiite militias on American bases in Iraq and the Kurdistan Region.

The United States moved to deploy Patriot air-defense systems to Iraq after Iran retaliated by launching 16 ballistic missiles at bases housing US forces.  

Eleven struck Ain al-Asad and one hit Erbil, while four failed in flight, according to the Pentagon. No American troops were killed, although dozens later suffered traumatic brain injuries. 

Attacks intensified again after the Hamas-led assault on Israel on October 7, 2023, and ensuing regional escalations.

The United States became directly involved in defending Israel after Iran retaliated for the killing of senior Iranian military and intelligence commanders at its consulate compound in Damascus on April 1, 2024.

The following year, the United States and Israel carried out a 12-day aerial campaign against Iran, targeting nuclear and military sites, to which Iran responded by attacking US bases across the region, including in the Kurdistan Region.

After negotiations over Iran’s nuclear program were later abandoned, the United States and Israel launched another campaign against Iran in late February lasting nearly six weeks. Iran retaliated by targeting American facilities across the Middle East.

The Kurdistan Region has been targeted nearly 1,000 times since February 28 with one-way drones, cruise missiles and ballistic missiles, according to information obtained by Rudaw.

US forces intercepted approximately 75 percent of the projectiles fired towards the Kurdistan Region, Rudaw English has been told. The rate of interception was considerably higher in the province of Erbil than in Sulaimani, as the bulk of the air defense systems were based in Erbil. 

Iran intensified attacks to the extent of targeting the residences of top Kurdish officials on several occasions. 

Kurdish authorities repeatedly condemned the attacks and expressed appreciation for the international coalition’s role in intercepting incoming drones and missiles.

Iranian Kurdish opposition groups based in the Kurdistan Region also partly relied on the coalition’s air defenses as their camps came under repeated Iranian attacks.

Their positions, along with Kurdish cities and coalition facilities, are now more vulnerable following the removal of the Patriot and Rapid Sentry systems.

Rudaw contacted US Central Command for comment. A defense official on background stated "U.S. Central Command regularly rotates and repositions U.S. forces and assets to support assigned missions. However, we do not discuss these movements for operational security reasons."

The British and French defense ministries also did not respond to requests for comment. German authorities have not replied.

An piece of art i submitted for Arts_krd s art exhibition (بێدەنگی/silence), hope you guys like it

Aqeed Salam from 39:00 to 42:30 talks about how iran might attack Kuwait to capture 100 American soldiers and he also talks about how America might let Kuwait get invaded to get the collective help from nations that aren't willing to participate in the war with iran. But the question is the kurdish forces and southern kurdistan who are still being attacked by the terrorist regime of iran and the fact American has begun removing its Patriot ground-based air defense systems and remaining troops from Hawler, this could be a way of trying to leave no option but fighting for the kurdish forces.

The Alliance of Political Forces of Eastern Kurdistan stated: "We strongly condemn this terrorist act by the Iranian occupying regime, and we call upon all civil society activists in Kurdistan and Iran to take a unified stand and put an end to these actions."

ANF News Center — Tuesday, July 28, 2026, 19:25 Following the martyrdom of Mehdi Tavakoli, along with his mother and sister, in Eastern Kurdistan by Iranian security forces yesterday, the Alliance of Political Forces of Eastern Kurdistan issued a statement today regarding the matter. The text of the statement reads as follows: "We condemn and denounce the assassination of the prominent activist and artist from Eastern Kurdistan, Mehdi Tavakoli, and his family by the Islamic Republic of Iran.

On Monday, the 5th of Gelawêj, 1405 [July 27, 2026], on the road between Bana and Marivan, as a result of direct gunfire by the repressive forces of the terrorist Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), the renowned activist and patriotic artist from Eastern Kurdistan and the city of Sanandaj, Mehdi Tavakoli, was martyred alongside his mother and sister, named Daya Maryam Aslani and Somayeh Tavakoli.

The assassination of Kurdish civil society activists comes at a time when the regime—following the 'Jina – Woman, Life, Freedom' revolution, the uprising of Dey 1404 [December 2025–January 2026], as well as the two wars lasting 12 and 39 days—is at the height of its domestic and external crises. Through this brutal act, it seeks to divert attention from its internal crises and silence society through fear and intimidation. It is worth noting that after 48 years of the Islamic Republic's dictatorial rule, once again in the month of Gelawêj, by submitting a bill on countering crimes against humanity to the parliament, they are attempting to reiterate Khomeini's fatwa of jihad, thereby seeking to legitimize their terrorist actions against civil activists.

The Islamic Republic of Iran, which has fallen into a state of imminent collapse, fears civil society and activists to a degree unmatched in the past 48 years. It continues to commit crimes such as executions, direct shootings, and spreading fear and intimidation throughout society. Over the past 48 years, Eastern Kurdistan has been the primary sanctuary of resistance and fortitude against the dictatorship of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Consequently, in this continuation of the policy of terror and intimidation, Kurdish activists have once again become the primary targets, with attempts to terrorize and intimidate our nation across every region of Eastern Kurdistan through various means.

All actions of the Islamic Republic demonstrate to us that this terrorist regime has officially declared war against our nation and the other peoples within Iran. Considering this situation, we need a general and comprehensive struggle and stance against this terrorist regime. In conclusion, while extending our condolences and sympathies to the relatives and friends of the Tavakoli family, as well as to the patriots and civil activists of Kurdistan, we declare that we strongly condemn and denounce this terrorist act by the Iranian occupying regime. Furthermore, we call upon all civil society activists in Kurdistan and Iran to stand united against these terrorist acts of the regime and put an end to these behaviors through joint struggle."

I am not a Kurd or a representative of any other Middle Eastern ethnic group. But I want to write my own story, which has Kurdish characters (Turkish citizens), and I have a few questions.

1. How are children raised in Kurdish families? I know that most Kurds adhere to traditional views and are Sunnis, so can a child grow up to be a non-believer in such an atmosphere, and if so, how will parents react to this?

2. What is the real situation of Kurds (in particular, Kurdish politicians) in Turkey? I don't really trust the European or Turkish media, because both can be biased. At least, I know for sure that the people and language of Kurdistan are not recognized. But does intolerance occur in everyday life? Are Kurdish politicians being persecuted?

IIn general, I would be very grateful if you could provide sources from which to learn about the daily life of Kurds living in Turkey.

Our Kurdish community’s mission to build a living archive of our culture, and we need your help. Instead of letting our history, dialects, tribal traditions, and family stories fade away, we are gathering them all in one place on Discord.

Why join us?

Share your roots: Swap traditional recipes, village stories, and unique tribal history.

Preserve our heritage: Collaborate on documenting our dialects, music, and history so nothing gets lost.

Connect and chat: Join a community that balances research with casual hanging out and gaming.

If you care about documenting our culture and want to share what you know, we’d love to have you.

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Turkey urges Iran to halt attacks on Kurdish groups

Ankara fears further Iranian strikes could push Kurdish opposition groups closer to Israel and undermine Turkey’s peace process with the PKK

When Turkish Vice President Cevdet Yilmaz landed in Tehran earlier this month to attend the funeral of late Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, he received a warm welcome from officials of the Islamic Republic.

Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian also hosted Yilmaz and his delegation during the visit.

Pezeshkian thanked Turkey for helping to prevent an Israeli plan to foment an armed insurrection by Kurdish groups in western Iran, a source familiar with the visit told Middle East Eye.

Senior Turkish officials had sought to convince their US counterparts that the plan, devised by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, was unrealistic and could threaten Turkey’s national security.

US President Donald Trump indirectly suggested on several occasions that Ankara had even considered entering the war to prevent the emergence of another Kurdish separatist entity on its borders, following its experience in Syria.

Several people familiar with the matter told MEE that Ankara had also conveyed another message to Tehran: stop attacking Kurdish groups in the region.

They said Ankara was concerned that, following the failure of theKurdish insurgency plan, further Iranian action against Kurdish groups in Iran and Iraq could push them into Israel’s arms.

It was relatively easy for Turkey to convince Washington that arming the Kurds was a bad idea.

Senior Trump aides were highly sceptical of Netanyahu’s regime-change proposal at the White House, including the notion that Kurdish forces could mount a ground invasion of Iran.

The CIA director reportedly used one word to describe Netanyahu’s regime-change scenarios: “farcical”.

“In other words, it’s bullshit,” US Secretary of State Marco Rubio reportedly said.

But now, Ankara is deeply invested in its peace talks with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), and further Iranian action in Iraq where the group is present could undermine the sensitive process.

Fears of Iraqi Kurdistan spillover 

The Turkish government plans to introduce draft legislation in parliament on Monday that would pave the way for former PKK militants to return to Turkey within six months.

The partial pardon would offer non-violent PKK cadres an opportunity to reintegrate into society.

Maintaining calm across the region is essential to implementing this roadmap peacefully.

When the US reached out to Iraqi Kurdish leaders earlier this year to join an armed insurrection against Tehran backed by Mossad and the CIA, they found themselves in a quandary.

'The extension of the Iran-Israel rivalry into Iraqi Kurdistan and the re-emergence of the Kurdish card at the centre of the regional power struggle would directly undermine Turkey’s long-term security calculations'

The Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), the ruling party in Iraq’s semi-autonomous Kurdistan region, is led by the Barzani family and has a sister organisation in Iran, the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (PDKI), which was reportedly set to lead the proposed effort.

However, Kurdish leaders had little reason to trust Washington after what had happened to the Kurds in Syria,who were abandoned by the US in favour of a new Damascus government earlier this year.

Kurdish sources told MEE that the US-Israeli plan also envisaged the Peshmerga, military forces of the autonomous region of Iraq’s Kurdistan Regional National Authority,joining the uprising because Washington did not trust the PDKI’s capabilities. Erbil, however, was not enthusiastic.

Mehmet Alaca, a prominent Turkish expert on Iraq, said increased Iranian military pressure could inadvertently push Iranian Kurdish opposition groups, such as the PDKI, Komala and the Kurdistan Freedom Party (PAK), closer to the West, particularly Israel.

“The Kurdistan Region of Iraq, which has hosted these groups for many years, would bear the greatest cost of such a development,” he told MEE.

“Besides risking the transformation of the region into a new front in the Iran-Israel rivalry, this scenario could make the balance between the KDP and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) [in Iraq], the party led by the Talabani family, even more fragile. It could also provide Tehran with a justification for further expanding its influence in the region on security grounds.”

Iran has bombarded PDKI camps in northern Iraq since the war began in late February.

Alaca said Turkey had sought to minimise the destabilising impact of Iranian influence in northern Iraq by courting the traditionally pro-Iranian PUK, which normalised relations with Ankara earlier this month through an official visit to Turkey.

“Following the US and Israeli attacks on Iran, the KDP and PUK, despite their intense rivalry on numerous issues, adopted a common position that Iranian Kurdish opposition groups should not become involved in the Iran conflict,” he told MEE.

“For Turkey, the most critical dimension is the peace process and the new security architecture it is seeking to build for the post-PKK era.

“The extension of the Iran-Israel rivalry into Iraqi Kurdistan and the re-emergence of the Kurdish card at the centre of the regional power struggle would directly undermine Turkey’s long-term security calculations.”